Ariel Silverstone has a new analysis of the job description for the White House Cybersecurity Coordinator out today that is worth reading.
He raises a number of key points that deserve discussion.
By way of context, I have a unique perspective on these matters. I served for four years as the Assistant Director for Strategic Planning in the White House Office of National Drug Control Policy, or the Drug Czar’s Office. I have also had the privilege of advising two individuals (one formally and one informally) who were tasked with running “czar” offices. In one case, the individually who I advised was tapped to head up a new security czar’s office, standing it up from fresh ground—the same task that the new cybersecurity coordinator will face.
With that background, allow me to turn to Ariel’s thoughtful analysis.
Ariel states that the Coordinator should be within the Executive Office of the President. He is absolute correct.
To be effective the new coordinator will need to play at the highest levels—meaning with the President’s Cabinet. Cabinet members are loath to return calls and take orders from “coordinators.” This isn’t just small mindedness. Government runs on hierarchy. Cabinet Secretary’s are Senate confirmed, and that puts them in a much more elite circle; the coordinator won’t be. The roles and responsibilities of a Cabinet agency head are codified in statute by the Congress; the coordinator’s won’t be, at least not for the time being. As a result, there is the real risk that the coordinator will be viewed by these key leaders as a glorified staffer.
Given that, to be effective, the new coordinator will have to be perceived as having apparent authority. Apparent authority—non-statutory, non-titular power—was a main reason why even Cabinet Members returned Rahm’s Emanuel’s calls when he was a “Senior Advisor” to President Clinton.
The most important element of apparent authority is access to the President—if your colleagues see you as someone who can get the president on the phone or get an audience with ease, then they have to deal with you. Being in the EOP means that geographically and organizationally part of the president’s immediate world—his house guard if you will.
Additionally, being within the EOP brings with it host of trappings of power that are critical in dealing with the rest of the administration, but more importantly the outside world. These trappings are important for the coordinator, but they are even more important for the coordinator’s staff. The coordinator should insist that his or her staff get so called “blue badges,” which provide open White House access. His or her staff should be included in the daily White House key staff meetings. The coordinator also should insist on White House Mess privileges—I have seen first hand the impact you can have by taking someone to lunch in the Mess. These are not mere vanities, they are the elements of authority, of power and position that can be used to advance a goal or a policy. Even something as simple as a White House business card can make things happen.
Ariel states that the coordinator should respond directly to the White House Chief of Staff. I agree.
Being a direct report to the Chief of Staff elevates the individual and the office. It also would mean that the coordinator would not need to clear or vette positions or policies through others in the hierarchy before bringing them forward. This is critical over the long term. The new coordinator must see every level of bureaucracy as a maze full of pitfalls that stands between her and effecting change. The easiest way to overcome this maze is to shorten its length before even entering it.
Based on that view, if I were being selected as the coordinator, I would at least try to secure the ability to go even higher than the COS.
When Gen. McCaffrey was considering taking the drug czar’s job, he did something that was strategically brilliant. At the time, the drug czar’s office lacked the same types of real authorities that the new cybersecurity coordinator will lack. As a result, McCaffrey worked with President Clinton and his staff to develop a written agreement between the White House and the General laying out the parameters of his job and setting out certain terms and conditions. One of those terms was that he could not be denied access to the president, not even by the chief of staff. In essence he became a direct report. This gave him an order of access that few within the administration had—more than even the typical Cabinet member had—and everyone inside knew it.
Ariel states that cybersecurity requires a multi-year budget. He is right on target.
Gen. McCaffrey used to constantly repeat an admonition that he had received when serving under Gen. Colin Powell: “Don’t show me your programs, show me your budget.” This is akin to the more widely known phrase: “Money talks, bull merde walks.”
If the coordinator is to be effective he or she needs to have authority—direct or indirect—over a multi-year budget that comes from the Congress.
In exchange for that budget—and given the amount of failed spending that has epitomized cybersecurity to date—I would suggest that such a multi-year commitment of funds be accompanied by the requirements that the coordinator:
- Develop, in conjunction with the other relevant agencies, a multi-year cybersecurity strategy for the nation; and
- Develop and report on progress against a series of performance measures of evaluation.
Let me stress that performance measures need to be end-state focused. Holding lots of meetings does not count for anything unless they result in some measurable improvement to our nation’s cybersecurity.
It should also be stressed that resource issues can be addressed in a number of different ways. Obviously, the coordinator’s office must be fully resourced, with everything from a travel budget to adequate staff. However, beyond those funds, the ability to impact budgets can be almost as important as direct budget authority. For example, by statute the drug czar has the ability to decertify the “drug budget” component of any other agencies budget. This provides the drug czar a big stick—best used sparingly—that can be critical in getting things done.
The coordinator won’t have that statutory authority, however the President and can make up for that by ensuring the coordinator is an active participant in the OMB budget review process. The OMB budget review allows OMB and other key players the ability to shape all sorts of policies and programs through the pocketbook. And, if other actors know the coordinator will be reviewing their cyber budgets, you’d be surprised just how many friends the new coordinator will find in Washington, around the Beltway and even beyond.
Ariel calls upon the coordinator to begin a true public-private partnership. He is correct yet again.
With 85 percent or more of the digital critical infrastructure in private hands, the coordinator cannot possibly succeed without an effective working partnership with the private sector.
Here again, while in the White House, I saw first hand how a coordinator can use real public-private partnerships to advance policy goals. The drug challenge—in some ways like the cyber challenge—is primarily a societal problem, and government cannot solve it without the help of the community writ large. As a result, we invested extraordinary amounts of attention, energy—not to mention dollars—on building these partnerships and strengthening our nongovernmental institutions—and it made a huge impact.
Along these lines, I also agree with Ariel’s thinking about the need for an official advisory board and the need for academic outreach to strengthen the field. I agree.
I would add one other element to the directed outreach Ariel calls for and that is educational outreach more broadly. In the public health area we have made enormous strides in certain areas through public educational outreach—we have cut smoking, increased seatbelt use, increased childhood vaccinations, and cut youth drug use.
These challenges are different, but also similar to the challenges we face in the cyber realm. I would encourage the White House and the new coordinator to consider a nationwide cybersecurity educational campaign.
Ariel calls on the coordinator to champion the National Institute for Standards and Technology and its efforts as part of the international standard setting community. Here again I agree, but I would add the NSA’s certification work in conjunction with NIST to that list.
IT is the Institute’s view that one of the biggest challenges we face in the cybersecurity realm is, in essence, market failure. And that market failure is predicated on the fact that the typical consumer has no way of determining what is and what isn’t secure. As a result, the market is full of security claims that are simply false.
We are in desperate need of basic cybersecurity performance standards and certifications.
We are increasingly dependent on IT systems for our national, homeland and economic security. However, there are no effective standards that dictate the minimum level of security that a critical IT system must achieve.
We standardize (read direct and/or certify) the safety and/or security of everything from children’s blankets to body armor to drugs. And our protections in these areas—while at times burdensome and not without cost—have not unduly impeded innovation. In fact, in areas like food and drug safety our protections make us the international gold standard. There is simply no reason that we cannot develop standards to ensure the security and safety of our critical IT.
To Ariel’s list let me also take this opportunity to add a thought that I think is critical both in terms of the job description and the type of person needed to fill the job.
The coordinator must fully utilize the bully pulpit. To this end, he or she must not be required to vette every speech, every interview with the inter-agency and the press office. One of the things that made Gen. McCaffrey such an effective drug czar was that he made extraordinarily good use of the media to get his message out. The coordinator will need to take a similar approach—as well as extending it to the new world of digital and social media.
As a corollary, it is critical that whoever is selected for this post must be the sort of person who can command public attention. Think of it this way, will Bill Gates, a four-star general or the CEO of Citibank listen when he or she speaks? Because, if you can’t actually force someone to change their behaviors, you have to convince them as to why they must. To be effective, the coordinator must have enough force of personality to be able to drive change even against all the impediments that will lay in the way.